Gordon Brown was accused of 'gagging' the Iraq inquirey last night as it emerged the government is blocking the release of secret documents about the war. Senior MP's from all three main parties said the decision bore all the hallmarks of an official 'cover-up' and made a mockery of the Prime Minister's pledge of a fully open investigation.
Frustration boiled over as Labour's former Attorney General Lord Goldsmith, who gave the green light for the 2003 invasion after changing his mind and declaring it legal, gave evidence. Lord Goldsmith himself condemned the Government's refusal to declassify key papers, meaning they cannot be made public or even quoted from by the inquiry panel during questioning.
"I didn't agree with the decision that has apparently been made that certain documents are not to be declassified, but I will give the evidence that the inquiry seeks," he said
The inquiry's mild-mannered chairman, Sir John Chilcot told him: "We share your frustration." Another member of the inquiry team, former diplomat Sir Roderick Lyne, referred sarcastically to "this bountiful Government" having agreed to the release of one document.
A spokesman for the inquiry said the panel could 'talk around' declassified documents in 'general terms' but was unable to quote from them or ask witnesses to discus them in detail. The row is thought to centre on memos and documents covering Lord Goldsmith's initial advice on the legality of war in the months leading up to the March 2003 invasion, when he believed it would breach international law. Other key papers which have not been disclosed include Tony Blair's private letters to George Bush in the run-up to the conflict, in which he apparently promised the U.S president, "We will be with you," and the memos to Mr Blair from his then foreign policy adviser Sir David Manning.
The government drew up a 'protocol' on the release of information when it set up the inquiry, setting out nine grounds on which potentially damaging details could be blocked. Secret intelligence documents, which are crucial to uncovering the truth abouth the way the Government 'sexed up' the case for war, are among those that can be held back, as can papers deemed to contain 'commercially sensitive information. The Tories and the Lib Dems said fears that ministers were attempting to 'suffocate' the inquiry were being borne out. they said that refusal to release key documents would hamper the questioning of the central witness - Mr Blair who is due to appear tomorrow [29/01/2010].
Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague said: "Gordon Brown said unequivocally that 'no British document and no British witness will be beyond the scope of the inquiry.' It would be unacceptable for the Government to backtrack on that clear commitment. The Government's reported unwillingness to co-operate fully will do little to dispel the suspicion that Brown's Downing Street would have preferred a more restriced Inquiry."
LibDem leader Nick Clegg said: "Despite Gordon Brown's claim 'that he has nothing to hide', this has all the hallmarks of a cover-up. The protocol on the release of documents is being used to gag the inquiry. The Government must immediately declassify certain key documents ahead of Tony Blair's hearing: The memo from sir David Manning to Tony Blair dated January 31, 2003, and the letter from Tony Blair to George W Bush, sent July 2002. Labour are leaving themselves wide open to to charges of outright sabotage of Chilcot's work to save their own plitical skins."
Labour MP John McDonnell said: "This is contrary to the assurances that this would be a copletely open and accessible inquiry. It demonstrates that the Government is anxious about what these documents will reveal. People will rightly ask questions about what they have got to hide."
Lindsay German, of the Stop the War Coalition, said: "At every stage, the Government has done it's best to conceal evidence about the decision to go to war from the public. Initially, this inquiry was to be held in secret. It is refusing to apportion blame. Now we find that crucial documents are being withheld. There is only one conclusion to draw: That they contain evidence even more damning to the Government than that already heard."
The Cabinet Office said the inquiry was entitled to request and view any document, no matter how sensitive, from Government departments. But a spokesman added: "Many of these documents are highly classified, for example, in view of their potential impact on national security or international relations. If the inquiry wishes to make public reference to or release into the public domain any of this classified material, it can request this of the Government. Many of the documents have been declassified and the inquiry has made these available on its website. In some instances, the Government has required further time to consider the inquiry's requests."
Sir David recorded that he had had dinner with Condoleezza Rice, U.S National Security Advisor, and had a frank, one-to-one discussion on Iraq. He told Blair: I said that you would not budge in your support for regime change but you had to manage a press, a Parliament and a public opinion that was very different than anything in the States. And yuou would not budge either in your insistece that, if we pursued regime change, it must be very carefully done and produce the right result. Faliure was not an option.
Alastair Campbell told the inquiry that Blair's message was broadly: "We share the analysis, we share the concern, we are going to be with you in making sure that Saddam Hussein faces up to his Obligations and that Iraq is disarmed." He added: If that cannot be done militarily, Britain will be there. That would be the tenor of the communication to the president."
Lord Goldsmith gives Mr Blair a five-page draft legal opinion which says a further resulution specifically authorising the use of force is necessary.
In the memo, paraphrasing Bush's comments at a meeting, Sir David noted:"The start date for the military campaign was new pencilled in for March 10. This was when the bombing would begin.